for its members. The family system had developed historically along

patrilineal lines, and during Tokugawa times such patterns of relations

between kin were proclaimed as an official social code. After the Meiji

Restoration, the samurai class in control of the nation maintained these

formalized rules and even elevated them to the status of an idealized

spiritual expression of the Japanese ethos. The reason for this enhancement

of the Tokugawa code after the Restoration lay in the need to preserve and

strengthen national discipline and unity as a practical policy in

industrialization and other aspects of modernization. Thus, Japan moved

into her modern era in possession of a system of rules of social behavior

based on feudal and familial principles.

It is necessary to note that this system of codified rules was

consistently adhered to in actual behavior by only a minority of the

population: the samurai and nobility. The remainder of the population

followed the rules in part, or only in "public" situations where the

pressure for conformity was strong. In the decades subsequent to the

Restoration a generalized version of the code was adopted by the developing

business and official classes, and this is the situation which continues to

prevail in Japan today (although since the Occupation a considerable

liberalization of social behavior can be found in all classes and groups).

Since the student subjects of-the research project were persons from upper-

and middle-class groups socialized in prewar and wartime Japan, we can use

the gross aspects of this social code as a backdrop for the interpretation

of their behavior. The strength and the influence of this code were

enhanced further by the fact that up to the period of the Occupation, no

large migration to Japan of Westerners had occurred. In this situation

relatively few Japanese were presented with the need to learn the modes of

interaction of other societies—particularly the more "open" type of the

Western nations. This isolation was intensified during the militarist-

nationalist epoch of the 1930s and 1940s, in which the social code was

given renewed emphasis as a counter-measure against liberal trends. The

codified norms— on or ascribed obligation; giri or contractual obligation;

chu or loyalty to one's superior; ninjo or humane sensibility; and enryo or

modesty and reserve in the presence of the superior—were incorporated in

the school curriculum as ethical doctrine, and exemplified in a multitude

of cultural expressions.

primary associative qualities

An important aspect of Japanese social norms may be described in

Western sociological terms as that of "primary association." Emphasis upon

personal qualities, obligations between subordinate and superior, and

distinctions based on age or sibling birth-order are features suited to the

atmosphere of a small, highly interactive social group, like the family or

a feudal manor. It goes without saying that in the modern mass society of

Japan these rules have not always been observed, but the fact is that to an

extraordinary degree the Japanese have succeeded in organizing present-day

society into small, cell-like groupings, in which highly personalized

relationships are governed by an explicit code of behavior. Even in

impersonal situations, as in labor organizations, rules of primary

associative type have been used at least symbolically as models for

interaction and responsibility.

hierarchy

If Japanese social norms present an image of society in the character

of a primary group, it is at least a hierarchically organized primary

group—one in which there are explicit gradations of status from superior to

inferior. The family is ideally organized on patrilineal-patriarchal

principles, with the father as dominant, the eldest son superordinate to

the younger, and so on. Primogeniture was the law of the land until the

Occupation period, and, even though no longer so, it is still followed in a

great many cases.

Japanese business firms, government bureaus, and many universities and

schools are organized in ways reminiscent of this familial model; or their

organization may be more closely related historically to feudal or lord-

vassal principles. In such cases the employee and the employer, chief and

underling, or teacher and pupil occupy positions which carry with them

defined and ascribed rights and duties, in which the superior generally

occupies a paternalistic and authoritarian role. The term sensei means

teacher, or mentor, but its wide application to people outside of the

teaching profession suggests its connotation of benevolent but stern

authority and superiority. Likewise the term oyabun ("parent-status" or

"parent-surrogate"), while strictly appropriate only for certain types of

economic groups, is often applied to any highly paternalistic superior.

concern for status

All this would imply, of course, very considerable preoccupation with

matters of social status. It is necessary or at least desirable for every

Japanese to know his own status in the interaction situation, since it is

in status that one finds the cues for reciprocal behavior. To put this in

sociological terms, there exists a very close tie between status and role:

the role behavior expected of one in a given status position is clearly

defined and there are relatively few permitted alternatives or variations

from the pattern (when alternatives are present, they, too, are often very

clearly defined). Thus the behavior of a person of a given status in a

social relationship, can constitute familiar and unmistakable cues for the

appropriate behavior of a person of another status.

Concern with status is evidenced further by the incorporation into the

Japanese language of a multitude of forms expressing varying degrees of

politeness, levels of formality and respect, and subservience or dominance.

This type of language dramatizes status differences between persons by the

use of such devices as honorific suffixes, special verb endings, and

differing pronouns. To mention only the most commonly used forms for

designating the second person singular, there are anata, omae, kimi,

kisama, and temai. The proper use of each of these forms depends upon the

relative status of the speaker and the particular situation in which the

conversation or interaction takes place. Status in language depends upon

age, sex, and class differences, as well as on the degree of intimacy and

the extent of formal obligation existing between those communicating.

relative permanence of status

Once status positions are clearly defined, the parties holding these

statuses are expected to occupy them for very long periods—often throughout

life. A superior, for example one's professor, retains strong symbolic

hierarchical precedence throughout the life of both parties, even when the

student has become a professional equal in productivity, rank, and pay.

Subtle changes in status of course occur, and we do not wish to make too

sweeping a generalization. However, as compared with the fluid patterns

typical of Western society, Japanese society-possesses considerably more

orderly and predictable allocations of status—or at least the expectations

of this.

behavioral reserve and discipline

A "tight" social organization based on concern with status and

hierarchy is by necessity one in which social behavior tends to be governed

more by norms, or public expectancies, and less by free or idiosyncratic-

response to a given situation. At the same time, a system of this kind

requires institutional outlets in the event that obligations, duties,

status relationships, and the like, for one reason or another, may be

unclear or not yet defined. The Japanese have utilized, for this purpose,

the concept of enryo, loosely translatable as “hesitance” or "reserve." The

development of this pattern in Japanese culture is of particular importance

for our problem here.

The original meaning of enryo pertained to the behavior of the

subordinate in hierarchical status relations. The subordinate was expected

to show compliant obsequiousness toward the superior: he should hold his

temper, check any aggressive response to frustration (and of course, bide

his time). This pattern of behavior may be manifested by Japanese when they

interact with persons of their own or any society whom they regard as

superior in status. Whenever the presumption is that a superior person

occupies the "alter" status, enryo is likely to be observed by "ego".

Now, as Japan entered the stage of industrialization, with its

expanded opportunities for individual enterprise and mobility (a process

still under way), social situations became more complicated, more

ambiguous, and more violative of the traditional rules and behavioral

prescriptions. Since at the same time the basic hierarchical, primary-group

character of the norms prevailed, there emerged strong needs for adjustive

behavior. Enryo became the escape-hatch: in the new ambiguity, behavioral

reserve and noncommitment became the frequent alternative, and the Japanese

manifested such withdrawn, unresponsive behavior in the event that a

particular interpersonal situation lacked clear designation of the statuses

of ego and alter. Much the same situation holds when the Japanese is

overseas. Here, too, his behavior is frequently characterized by enryo—

often concealing confusion and embarrassment over his ignorance of the

social rules of the foreign society. Thus the "shyness" or reserved

behavior often found in Japanese on the American campus can be due either

to the fact that the Japanese views Americans, or certain Americans, as

superior people; or to the fact that he is simply not sure how to behave in

American social situations, regardless of status. The rule goes, when

status is unclear, it is safest to retreat into enryo. This form of

response is most typical of persons socialized in prewar and wartime Japan;

the postwar generation, many of whom have grown up in the more liberal

atmosphere of the Occupation and after, are much more tolerant of

ambiguity.

2. JAPANESE AND AMERICAN PATTERNS OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

We may now view these normative patterns from a comparative cultural

perspective. A detailed description of the American norms will not be

required, since it may be presumed that the reader has sufficient

familiarity with them. We shall select those American rules of

interpersonal behavior that are "opposites" to the Japanese patterns just

described. In a later section we shall discuss cases of similarity.

There is among Americans a tendency toward an initial egalitarian

response oil the part of "ego": two persons are presumed to be equal unless

proven otherwise. (The Japanese norms contain an opposite premise: when

status is vague, inequality is expected.) In practice this egalitarian

principle in American interpersonal behavior leads to what the Japanese

might perceive as fluidity and unpredictability of behavior-in interaction,

and highly variable or at least less apparent concern for status. Things

like wealth, public versus private situations, and a host of other features

may all in the American case, influence the behavior of ego and alter in

ways which are not subject to predicate codification, Allowance is made

continually for subtle changes in roles of those interacting, with a strain

toward equalization if hierarchical differences appear. Thus, while in

social situations the Japanese may find it difficult to communicate unless

status differences are clear, the American, in view of his egalitarian

preference, may point to and actually experience status difference as a

source of interpersonal tension and difficulty in communication. Thus the

Japanese may see the free flow of communication as enhanced by clear status

understandings; the American may view it instead as requiring maximal

intimacy and freedom of expression.

Finally, reserve or discipline is in some cases much less apparent in

American social behavior. Initially, outward display of feeling is

encouraged, and' reserve may develop after status differences are

recognized. Once again the Japanese may proceed on an approximately

opposite principle: behavioral freedom and expressivity become a

potentiality after statuses are clearly differentiated—especially when

equality is achieved— but not before. Moreover, even when statuses are

clear to the Japanese participants in social relations, interaction often

continues to be hesitant and guarded. (Important institutionalized

exceptions to the general rule of avoidance are found in the frank behavior

tolerated in sake parties, behavior of the male guest and his geisha

partner, and a few others.)

In American interpersonal behavior the patterns of tact,

obsequiousness, and other forms of retiring behavior are seen continually,

but they are often much more situational and idiosyncratic. Americans lack

a concept with the generalized cultural meaning of enryo; reserve may be a

useful form of behavior for some people, but not others, or in some

situations; it may be associated with status differences, or it may not.

And when this reserve is associated with status positions (and in the

presence of hierarchical patterns generally), Americans are likely to

express attitudes of guilt or regret, or are likely to conceal the

existence of such patterns by verbally reaffirming egalitarian principles.

Moreover, some American normative attitudes frown on "manipulative"

tendencies; frankness, openness, and humility are valued highly, if not

always observed. Quotations from interviews with student subjects

(sojourners and returnees) may serve to indicate the Japanese perspective

on their own and the American patterns of interpersonal behavior.

Q.: What did you like about America that you didn't about Japan?

A.: Well, it's hard to give concrete examples, but mainly I was

satisfied with what you might call the smartness of life— the modernness of

things. And also the simplicity and frankness of life. You don't have to

worry about gimu-giri-on [obligations] over there ... In the United States

you have to visit relatives too, but such visits are more personal, more

real— more meaningful. Here in Japan they are for the sake of girt and

righteousness and all that stuff.

Q.: Could you define the term "Americanized" as it is used by

Japanese students?

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