The history of HIV/AIDS in the United States began in about 1969, when HIV likely entered the United States through a single infected immigrant from Haiti.

Economic arguments

Economic needs-driven immigration is opposed by labor-market protectionists, often arguing from economic nationalism. The core of their arguments is that a nation's jobs are the 'property' of that nation, and that allowing foreigners to take them is equivalent to a loss of that property. They may also criticize immigration of this type as a form of corporate welfare, where business is indirectly subsidized by government expenditure to promote the immigration and the assimilation of the immigrants. A more common criticism is that the immigrant employees are almost always paid less than a non-immigrant worker in the same job, and that the immigration depresses wages, especially as immigrants are usually not unionized. Other groups feel that the focus should be not on immigration control, but on equal rights for the immigrants, to avoid their exploitation.

Nationalistic arguments

Non-economic opposition to immigration is closely associated with nationalism, in Europe a 'nationalist party' is almost a synonym for 'anti-immigration party'.

The primary argument of some nationalist opponents in Europe is that immigrants simply do not belong in a nation-state which is by definition intended for another ethnic group. France, therefore, is for the French, Germany is for the Germans, and so on. Immigration is seen as altering the ethnic and cultural composition of the national population, and consequently the national character. From a nationalist perspective, high-volume immigration potentially distorts or dilutes their national culture more than is desired or even necessary. Germany, for example, was indeed intended as a state for Germans: the state's policy of mass immigration was not foreseen by the 19th-century nationalist movements. Immigration has forced Germany and other western European states to re-examine their national identity: part of the population is not prepared to redefine it to include immigrants. It is this type of opposition to immigration which generated support for anti-immigration parties such as Vlaams Belang in Belgium, the British National Party in Britain, the Lega Nord in Italy, the Front National in France, and the Lijst Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands.

One of the responses of nation-states to mass immigration is to promote the cultural assimilation of immigrants into the national community, and their integration into the political, social, and economic structures. In Europe, where nation-states have a tradition of national unification by cultural and linguistic policies, variants of these policies have been proposed to accelerate the assimilation of immigrants. The introduction of citizenship tests for immigrants is the most visible form of state-promoted assimilation. The test usually include some form of language exam, and some countries have reintroduced forms of language prohibition.

Environmentalist arguments

Most European countries do not have the high population growth of the United States, and some experience population decline. In such circumstances, the effect of immigration is to reduce decline, or delay its onset, rather than substantially increase the population. The Republic of Ireland is one of the only EU countries comparable to the United States in this respect, since large-scale immigration contributed to substantial population growth. Spain has also witnessed a recent boost in population due to high immigration.

1.6. As political issue

The political debate about immigration is now a feature of most developed countries. Some countries such as Italy, and especially the Republic of Ireland and Spain, have shifted within a generation, from traditional labor emigration, to mass immigration, and this has become a political issue. Some European countries, such as the United Kingdom and Germany, have seen major immigration since the 1960's and immigration has already been a political issue for decades. Political debates about immigration typically focus on statistics, the immigration law and policy, and the implementation of existing restrictions. In some European countries the debate in the 1990's was focused on asylum seekers, but restrictive policies within the European Union have sharply reduced asylum seekers. In Western Europe the debate focuses on immigration from the Enlargement of the European Union and new member states of the EU, especially from Poland.

The politics of immigration have become increasingly associated with others issues, such as national security, terrorism, and in western Europe especially, with the presence of Islam as a new major religion. Some components of conservative movements see an unassimilated, economically deprived, and generally hostile immigrant population as a threat to national stability; other elements of conservative movements welcome immigrant labor. Those with security concerns cite the 2005 civil unrest in France that point to the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy as an example of the value conflicts arising from immigration of Muslims in Western Europe. Because of all these associations, immigration has become an emotional political issue in many Western nations.

Chapter 2. Immigration in Europe

2.1. France

As of 2006, the French national institute of statistics INSEE estimated that 4.9 million foreign-born immigrants live in France (8% of the country's population): The number of French citizens with foreign origins is generally thought to be around 6.7 million  according to the 1999 Census conducted by INSEE, which ultimately represents one tenth of the country's population. (Ranked by the largest national groups, above 60,000 persons)

Most of the population from immigrant stock is of European descent (mainly from Greece, Italy, Spain, and Portugal as well as Poland, Romania, Russia, Ukraine, and the former Yugoslavia) although France has a sizeable population of Arabs and Africans from its former colonies, the proportion of immigrants in France is on par with other European nations such as the United Kingdom (8%), Germany (9%), the Netherlands (18%), Sweden (13%)  and Switzerland (19%). Estimates of each South and Southeast Asian (i.e. Indians and Vietnamese) and Latin American (Haitians, Chileans and Argentines) nationalities living in France are under 50,000 each.

According to Michèle Tribalat, researcher at INED, it is very difficult to estimate the number of French immigrants or born to immigrants, because of the absence of official statistics. Only three surveys have been conducted: in 1927, 1942, and 1986 respectively. According to a 2004 study, there were approximatively 14 million persons of foreign ancestry, defined as either immigrants or people with at least one parent, grandparent, or great-parent emigreé. 5.2 million of these people were from South-European ascendency (Italy, Spain, Portugal); and 3 million come from the Maghreb (North Africa).

In 2004, a total of 140,033 people immigrated to France. Of them, 90,250 were from Africa and 13,710 from Europe. In 2005, immigration level fell slightly to 135,890. The European Union allows free movement between the member states. While the UK (along with Ireland and Sweden ) did not impose restrictions, France put in place controls to curb Eastern European migration.

In the 2000s, the net migration rate was estimated to be 0.66 migrants per 1,000 population a year. This is a very low rate of immigration compared to other European countries, the USA or Canada. Since the beginning of the 1990s, France has been attempting to curb immigration, first with the Pasqua laws, followed by both right-wing and socialist-issued laws. The immigration rate is currently lower than in other European countries such as United Kingdom and Spain; however, some say it is doubtful that the policies in themselves account for such a change. Again, as in the 1920s and 1930s, France stands in contrast with the rest of Europe. Back in the 1920s and 1930s, when European countries had a high fertility rate, France had a low fertility rate and had to open its doors to immigration to avoid population decline. Today, it is the rest of Europe that has very low fertility rates, and countries like Germany or Spain avoid population decline only through immigration. In France, however, fertility rate is still fairly high for European standards, in fact the highest in Europe after Ireland, and so most population growth is due to natural increase, unlike in the other European countries. This difference in immigration trends is also due to the fact that the labor market in France is currently less dynamic than in other countries such as the UK, Ireland or Spain , this may even be a more relevant factor than low birth rates (because Ireland has both the highest fertility and the highest net immigration rate in Europe, whereas Eastern European countries such as Poland or Ukraine have both a low fertility and a high net emigration rate, as well as a high unemployment rate).

For example, according to the UK Office for National Statistics, in the three years between July 2001 and July 2004 the population of the UK increased by 721,500 inhabitants, of which 242,800 (34%) was due to natural increase, and 478,500 (66%) to immigration. According to the INSEE, in the three years between January 2001 and January 2004 the population of Metropolitan France increased by 1,057,000 inhabitants, of which 678,000 (64%) was due to natural increase, and 379,500 (36%) to immigration.

The latest 2006 demographic statistics have been released, and France's birth and fertility rates have continued to rise. The fertility rate increased to 2.00, the highest of the G-7 countries, and for the first time approaches the fertility rate of the United States.

2.2. Germany

On 1 January 2005, a new Immigration Law came into effect that altered the legal method of immigration to Germany. The practical changes to the immigration procedures and limitations were relatively minor. Traditionally, Germany has not considered itself a country with a need for large numbers of immigrants and has limited entry accordingly.

Immigrating to Germany as a non EU-citizen has not become easier under the new law as it continues to limit the recruitment of foreign employees. This limitation applies most particularly to unskilled or semi-skilled employees. In order to obtain a work permit one must demonstrate a justified individual need or public interest in the employment. Without a concrete job offer one has almost no chance of getting a residence permit. Different rules apply to refugees, asylum seekers, EU citizens, family members of German citizens, and close relatives of individuals already living in Germany.

Thereafter, the prospective employer has to announce this engagement to the employment centre (Arbeitsagentur). The “Arbeitsagentur” only agrees to issue a residency permit if there is no German or otherwise privileged foreign employee available for the employment.

There are exceptions, in particular for highly qualified employees. The judgement of whether an applicant is highly qualified or not can based on various factors, including education, the type of job, or a salary above a certain threshold. The threshold is currently set at 85.500 € p.a.) Highly qualified employees might immediately receive a permanent residence permit (“Niederlassungserlaubnis”). Spouses and children moving with them are allowed to work without having to get additional permits (this exception includes other relatives in limited situations). The process is similar to highly skilled immigrant programs in the United States and other European countries. The German scheme is similar to ones operated by other European countries, for example the United Kingdom's Highly Skilled Migrant Programme. The major difference is that the salary threshold is the highest of any European country with similar work visas. For example, Austria's income requirements are around 50% less that of Germany.

Self-employed people can get a residence permit, so long as the government finds that the job would fulfill a superior economic interest, fulfill a regional need, or have an expected net positive effect on the economy. Furthermore, the sponsor must guarantee the financing. Once an immigrant has met those requirement, an individual inquiry will take place as to whether a German citizen or preferred immigrant could perform the same job function. As a general rule these requirements will be assumed if at least ten jobs will be created and 1 million € invested. The assessment of the requirements will conform to the quality of the business idea, the entrepreneurial experience of the applicant, the capital expenditure, the effects on employment and out–of–school education, and the contribution to innovation and research. A residence permit to work self-employed could also be issued, if there are mutual benefits according to international law. After three years one may apply for and receive a permanent residence permit “Niederlassungserlaubnis”, so long as the planned idea is put into practice successfully and one's livelihood is secured.

Foreign students can stay for one year after a university degree in order to find a job matching their qualifications.

2.3. Spain

The population of Spain doubled during the twentieth century, due to the spectacular demographic boom by the 60's and early 70's. Then, the birth rate plunged by the 80's and Spain's population became stalled, its demographics showing one of the lowest sub replacement fertility rate in the world, only second to Japan's. Many demographers have linked Spain's very low fertility rate to the country's lack of any real family planning policy. Spain is the Western European country that spends least on family support (0.5% of GDP). A graphic illustration of the enormous social gulf between Spain and the rest of Europe in this field is the fact that a Spanish family would need to have 57 children to enjoy the same financial support as a family with 3 children in Luxembourg.

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